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.The same reply may be given when there is question of putting somebody on the spot who has acted as atraitor to his country.It would be ridiculous and illogical to shoot a poor wretch 21) who had betrayed theposition of a howitzer to the enemy while the highest positions of the government are occupied by a rabblewho bartered away a whole empire, who have on their consciences the deaths of two million men who weresacrificed in vain, fellows who were responsible for the millions maimed in the war and who make a thrivingbusiness out of the republican regime without allowing their souls to be disturbed in any way.It would beabsurd to do away with small traitors in a State whose government has absolved the great traitors from allpunishment.For it might easily happen that one day an honest idealist, who, out of love for his country, hadremoved from circulation some miserable informer that had given information about secret stores of armsmight now be called to answer for his act before the chief traitors of the country.And there is still animportant question: Shall some small traitorous creature be suppressed by another small traitor, or by anidealist? In the former case the result would be doubtful and the deed would almost surely be revealed lateron.In the second case a petty rascal is put out of the way and the life of an idealist who may be irreplaceableis in jeopardy.For myself, I believe that small thieves should not be hanged while big thieves are allowed to go free.Oneday a national tribunal will have to judge and sentence some tens of thousands of organizers who were288 Mein Kampfresponsible for the criminal November betrayal and all the consequences that followed on it.Such anexample will teach the necessary lesson, once and for ever, to those paltry traitors who revealed to the enemythe places where arms were hidden.On the grounds of these considerations I steadfastly forbade all participation in secret societies, and I tookcare that the Storm Detachment should not assume such a character.During those years I kept the NationalSocialist Movement away from those experiments which were being undertaken by young Germans who forthe most part were inspired with a sublime idealism but who became the victims of their own deeds, becausethey could not ameliorate the lot of their fatherland to the slightest degree.If then the Storm Detachment must not be either a military defence organization or a secret society, thefollowing conclusions must result:1.Its training must not be organized from the military standpoint but from the standpoint of what is mostpractical for party purposes.Seeing that its members must undergo a good physical training, the place ofchief importance must not be given to military drill but rather to the practice of sports.I have alwaysconsidered boxing and ju-jitsu more important than some kind of bad, because mediocre, training inrifle-shooting.If the German nation were presented with a body of young men who had been perfectlytrained in athletic sports, who were imbued with an ardent love for their country and a readiness to take theinitiative in a fight, then the national State could make an army out of that body within less than two years ifit were necessary, provided the cadres already existed.In the actual state of affairs only the Reichswehr couldfurnish the cadres and not a defence organization that was neither one thing nor the other.Bodily efficiencywould develop in the individual a conviction of his superiority and would give him that confidence which isalways based only on the consciousness of one s own powers.They must also develop that athletic agilitywhich can be employed as a defensive weapon in the service of the Movement.2.In order to safeguard the Storm Detachment against any tendency towards secrecy, not only must theuniform be such that it can immediately be recognized by everybody, but the large number of its effectivesshow the direction in which the Movement is going and which must be known to the whole public.Themembers of the Storm Detachment must not hold secret gatherings but must march in the open and thus, bytheir actions, put an end to all legends about a secret organization.In order to keep them away from alltemptations towards finding an outlet for their activities in small conspiracies, from the very beginning wehad to inculcate in their minds the great idea of the Movement and educate them so thoroughly to the task ofdefending this idea that their horizon became enlarged and that the individual no longer considered it hismission to remove from circulation some rascal or other, whether big or small, but to devote himself entirelyto the task of bringing about the establishment of a new National Socialist People s State.In this way thestruggle against the present State was placed on a higher plane than that of petty revenge and smallconspiracies.It was elevated to the level of a spiritual struggle on behalf of a Weltanschhauung, for thedestruction of Marxism in all its shapes and forms.3.The form of organization adopted for the Storm Detachment, as well as its uniform and equipment, had tofollow different models from those of the old Army.They had to be specially suited to the requirements ofthe task that was assigned to the Storm Detachment.These were the ideas I followed in 1920 and 1921.I endeavoured to instil them gradually into the members ofthe young organization.And the result was that by the midsummer of 1922 we had a goodly number offormations which consisted of a hundred men each.By the late autumn of that year these formations receivedtheir distinctive uniforms.There were three events which turned out to be of supreme importance for thesubsequent development of the Storm Detachment.1.The great mass demonstration against the Law for the Protection of the Republic.This demonstration washeld in the late summer of 1922 on the Königs-platz in Munich, by all the patriotic societies.The NationalSocialist Movement also participated in it.The march-past of our party, in serried ranks, was led by sixMunich companies of a hundred men each, followed by the political sections of the Party.Two bands289 Mein Kampfmarched with us and about fifteen flags were carried.When the National Socialists arrived at the great squareit was already half full, but no flag was flying.Our entry aroused unbounded enthusiasm.I myself had thehonour of being one of the speakers who addressed that mass of about sixty thousand people.The demonstration was an overwhelming success; especially because it was proved for the first time thatnationalist Munich could march on the streets, in spite of all threats from the Reds.Members of theorganization for the defence of the Red Republic endeavoured to hinder the marching columns by theirterrorist activities, but they were scattered by the companies of the Storm Detachment within a few minutesand sent off with bleeding skulls.The National Socialist Movement had then shown for the first time that infuture it was determined to exercise the right to march on the streets and thus take this monopoly away fromthe international traitors and enemies of the country 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.The same reply may be given when there is question of putting somebody on the spot who has acted as atraitor to his country.It would be ridiculous and illogical to shoot a poor wretch 21) who had betrayed theposition of a howitzer to the enemy while the highest positions of the government are occupied by a rabblewho bartered away a whole empire, who have on their consciences the deaths of two million men who weresacrificed in vain, fellows who were responsible for the millions maimed in the war and who make a thrivingbusiness out of the republican regime without allowing their souls to be disturbed in any way.It would beabsurd to do away with small traitors in a State whose government has absolved the great traitors from allpunishment.For it might easily happen that one day an honest idealist, who, out of love for his country, hadremoved from circulation some miserable informer that had given information about secret stores of armsmight now be called to answer for his act before the chief traitors of the country.And there is still animportant question: Shall some small traitorous creature be suppressed by another small traitor, or by anidealist? In the former case the result would be doubtful and the deed would almost surely be revealed lateron.In the second case a petty rascal is put out of the way and the life of an idealist who may be irreplaceableis in jeopardy.For myself, I believe that small thieves should not be hanged while big thieves are allowed to go free.Oneday a national tribunal will have to judge and sentence some tens of thousands of organizers who were288 Mein Kampfresponsible for the criminal November betrayal and all the consequences that followed on it.Such anexample will teach the necessary lesson, once and for ever, to those paltry traitors who revealed to the enemythe places where arms were hidden.On the grounds of these considerations I steadfastly forbade all participation in secret societies, and I tookcare that the Storm Detachment should not assume such a character.During those years I kept the NationalSocialist Movement away from those experiments which were being undertaken by young Germans who forthe most part were inspired with a sublime idealism but who became the victims of their own deeds, becausethey could not ameliorate the lot of their fatherland to the slightest degree.If then the Storm Detachment must not be either a military defence organization or a secret society, thefollowing conclusions must result:1.Its training must not be organized from the military standpoint but from the standpoint of what is mostpractical for party purposes.Seeing that its members must undergo a good physical training, the place ofchief importance must not be given to military drill but rather to the practice of sports.I have alwaysconsidered boxing and ju-jitsu more important than some kind of bad, because mediocre, training inrifle-shooting.If the German nation were presented with a body of young men who had been perfectlytrained in athletic sports, who were imbued with an ardent love for their country and a readiness to take theinitiative in a fight, then the national State could make an army out of that body within less than two years ifit were necessary, provided the cadres already existed.In the actual state of affairs only the Reichswehr couldfurnish the cadres and not a defence organization that was neither one thing nor the other.Bodily efficiencywould develop in the individual a conviction of his superiority and would give him that confidence which isalways based only on the consciousness of one s own powers.They must also develop that athletic agilitywhich can be employed as a defensive weapon in the service of the Movement.2.In order to safeguard the Storm Detachment against any tendency towards secrecy, not only must theuniform be such that it can immediately be recognized by everybody, but the large number of its effectivesshow the direction in which the Movement is going and which must be known to the whole public.Themembers of the Storm Detachment must not hold secret gatherings but must march in the open and thus, bytheir actions, put an end to all legends about a secret organization.In order to keep them away from alltemptations towards finding an outlet for their activities in small conspiracies, from the very beginning wehad to inculcate in their minds the great idea of the Movement and educate them so thoroughly to the task ofdefending this idea that their horizon became enlarged and that the individual no longer considered it hismission to remove from circulation some rascal or other, whether big or small, but to devote himself entirelyto the task of bringing about the establishment of a new National Socialist People s State.In this way thestruggle against the present State was placed on a higher plane than that of petty revenge and smallconspiracies.It was elevated to the level of a spiritual struggle on behalf of a Weltanschhauung, for thedestruction of Marxism in all its shapes and forms.3.The form of organization adopted for the Storm Detachment, as well as its uniform and equipment, had tofollow different models from those of the old Army.They had to be specially suited to the requirements ofthe task that was assigned to the Storm Detachment.These were the ideas I followed in 1920 and 1921.I endeavoured to instil them gradually into the members ofthe young organization.And the result was that by the midsummer of 1922 we had a goodly number offormations which consisted of a hundred men each.By the late autumn of that year these formations receivedtheir distinctive uniforms.There were three events which turned out to be of supreme importance for thesubsequent development of the Storm Detachment.1.The great mass demonstration against the Law for the Protection of the Republic.This demonstration washeld in the late summer of 1922 on the Königs-platz in Munich, by all the patriotic societies.The NationalSocialist Movement also participated in it.The march-past of our party, in serried ranks, was led by sixMunich companies of a hundred men each, followed by the political sections of the Party.Two bands289 Mein Kampfmarched with us and about fifteen flags were carried.When the National Socialists arrived at the great squareit was already half full, but no flag was flying.Our entry aroused unbounded enthusiasm.I myself had thehonour of being one of the speakers who addressed that mass of about sixty thousand people.The demonstration was an overwhelming success; especially because it was proved for the first time thatnationalist Munich could march on the streets, in spite of all threats from the Reds.Members of theorganization for the defence of the Red Republic endeavoured to hinder the marching columns by theirterrorist activities, but they were scattered by the companies of the Storm Detachment within a few minutesand sent off with bleeding skulls.The National Socialist Movement had then shown for the first time that infuture it was determined to exercise the right to march on the streets and thus take this monopoly away fromthe international traitors and enemies of the country 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