[ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
.18, Nr.26, 26 June1941.37.I.Steinhoff, Junges Ungarn , Atlantis 12 (1940), Heft 4, 105 120; RumänischeLegionärinnen: Von unserer nach Rumänien entsandten Mitarbeiterin IlseSteinhoff , Münchner Illustrierte Jg.18, Heft 3, 16 January 1941; Die EiserneGarde baut auf , Münchner Illustrierte Jg.18, Heft 4, 23 January 1941; Serajewo1941 , Münchner Illustrierte Jg.18, Heft 23, 5 June 1941.38.I.Steinhoff, Alte und neue Zeit in Albanien , Atlantis 13, Heft 7, (1941), 322325, here 325.39. Die Wandlung des Mädchen Nera.Ein Bericht für die Berliner Illustriertevon Ilse Steinhoff , Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung 1943, Nr.52, 30 December1943, 616.40.U.Poiger, Imperialism and Empire in Twentieth-Century Germany , History& Memory 17, 1/2, (Fall 2005), 117 143, here 134 135.41.On the effort to give Nazi New Europe propaganda a popular humaninterest angle, see R.Rutz, Signal: Eine deutsche Auslandsillustrierte alsPropagandainstrument im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Essen, 2007), 279 284.42.Liselotte Purper, diary, 2 November 1940.DHM, Bildarchiv.43.Liselotte Purper, diary, 25 and 26 July 1942.DHM, Bildarchiv.44.Liselotte Purper, diary, 17 January 1943 22 January 1943.DHM,Bildarchiv. 204 Elizabeth Harvey45.Liselotte Purper, diary, Norwegen-Fahrt v.18. 31.7.1943.DHM,Bildarchiv.46.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 5 May 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.47.Liselotte Purper, diary, 2 October 1940.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.48.Jahn and Schmiegelt (eds), Foto-Feldpost, 29; Harvey, Ich war überall :Die NS-Propagandaphotographin Liselotte Purper , in S.Steinbacher (ed.),Volksgenossinnen: Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Göttingen, 2007),138 153, here 149 150.49.Jahn and Schmiegelt (eds), Foto-Feldpost, 30, 110 112.50.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 29 December 1942.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.51.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 22 February 1942.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.52.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 20 June 1942.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.53.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 9 October 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.54.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 9 February 1941.DHM, Bildarchiv.The bro-chure was L.Reimer, Die Familie im neuen Deutschland (Berlin, 1940).55.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 11 October 1942.DHM, Bildarchiv.56.Articles on the annexed territories of Poland and on the provision of wel-fare for resettlers, with photos by Purper: Aufbruch und Weisung: einJahr Frauenarbeit im befreiten Gebiet des Gaues Danzig-Westpreußen, NS-Frauenwarte Jg.9 (1940/41) Heft 8, October 1940; Für eine neue Zukunft imDeutschen Osten , NS-Frauenwarte Jg.9 (1940/41), Heft 19, April 1941; DieAnsiedlerbetreuung ist voll im Gange , Ostdeutscher Beobachter, 8 February1941.57.Liselotte Purper, diary, 29 June 1942.DHM, Bildarchiv.58. Bilder aus Rumänien , Frauenkultur, November 1942, 6 7.59.Sender Freies Berlin, Abendschau Express, Studiogespräch 7 August 1997;Sender Freies Berlin, Ticket , 14 August 1997.60.Margot Monnier to Kurt Orgel, 9 October 1944.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.61.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 27 February 1944.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.62.Liselotte Purper, diary, 2 October 1940.DHM, Bildarchiv.63.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 13 June 1944 and 14 June 1944, DHM Berlin,Bildarchiv.64.Liselotte Purper, diary, Lemberg 13 January 1943.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.65.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 18 February 1944.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.66.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 4 June 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.67.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 20 September 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.68.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 10 November 1944; Annaliese Wiener-Theilerto Liselotte Purper, 13 November 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.69.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 15 April 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv. 10The Pleasures of being a PoliticalSoldier : Nazi Functionaries andTheir Service to the MovementDaniel Mühlenfeld(translated by Wayne Yung)How pleasurable was the work of a functionary in the Nazi movement?In order to answer this question, one needs to examine the self-imageand public perceptions of its subaltern functionaries.For many NationalSocialist activists, the term politischer Soldat ( political soldier ) cap-tured the ideals of their engagement.The contemporary image of thesoldier was a highly positive one, implying a particular constellation ofpersonal characteristics: moral integrity; readiness for action, up to andincluding self-sacrifice for a higher ideal or collective; and the defenceby force of those sharing the same political views.Furthermore, thesoldierly habitus also meant accepting a specific mode of exercisingviolence.1 This understanding of politics was caught within militaristiccategories of friend or foe, and in an essential inability to compromise.It championed a political maximalism (a characteristic not limited justto National Socialism) that, when it could not be stopped, led almostinevitably to the destruction of the parliamentary order.Over the course of the Third Reich, this label underwent a shift inmeaning as it gradually became applied to different groups of people,2e.g.the Waffen-SS.3 Originally, however, it was applied exclusively tothose longstanding National Socialists who had helped to bring downthe hated Weimar Republic and put the Nazis in power, especially asmembers of the SA before 1933.4 In examining the development andtransformation of the topos of the political soldier during and beyondthe interruptions represented by the years 1933 and 1939, this articlewill offer potential insights into the role played by pleasure in encour-aging commitment to the Nazi Party.Here, two major aspects need tobe taken into consideration.First, the soldierly self-image itself carried205 206 Daniel Mühlenfeldimplications that predisposed the protagonist towards particular expe-riences of pleasure, strongly influencing both its content and its inten-sity.Simply put, those who acted like soldiers also experienced soldierlypleasures: the triumph of surviving a (street) battle unscathed, the rib-ald camaraderie shared during downtime, etc.5Second, one should also not forget the tradition of the perverted(soldierly) deontological ethic that was so significant in the history ofideas [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.18, Nr.26, 26 June1941.37.I.Steinhoff, Junges Ungarn , Atlantis 12 (1940), Heft 4, 105 120; RumänischeLegionärinnen: Von unserer nach Rumänien entsandten Mitarbeiterin IlseSteinhoff , Münchner Illustrierte Jg.18, Heft 3, 16 January 1941; Die EiserneGarde baut auf , Münchner Illustrierte Jg.18, Heft 4, 23 January 1941; Serajewo1941 , Münchner Illustrierte Jg.18, Heft 23, 5 June 1941.38.I.Steinhoff, Alte und neue Zeit in Albanien , Atlantis 13, Heft 7, (1941), 322325, here 325.39. Die Wandlung des Mädchen Nera.Ein Bericht für die Berliner Illustriertevon Ilse Steinhoff , Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung 1943, Nr.52, 30 December1943, 616.40.U.Poiger, Imperialism and Empire in Twentieth-Century Germany , History& Memory 17, 1/2, (Fall 2005), 117 143, here 134 135.41.On the effort to give Nazi New Europe propaganda a popular humaninterest angle, see R.Rutz, Signal: Eine deutsche Auslandsillustrierte alsPropagandainstrument im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Essen, 2007), 279 284.42.Liselotte Purper, diary, 2 November 1940.DHM, Bildarchiv.43.Liselotte Purper, diary, 25 and 26 July 1942.DHM, Bildarchiv.44.Liselotte Purper, diary, 17 January 1943 22 January 1943.DHM,Bildarchiv. 204 Elizabeth Harvey45.Liselotte Purper, diary, Norwegen-Fahrt v.18. 31.7.1943.DHM,Bildarchiv.46.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 5 May 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.47.Liselotte Purper, diary, 2 October 1940.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.48.Jahn and Schmiegelt (eds), Foto-Feldpost, 29; Harvey, Ich war überall :Die NS-Propagandaphotographin Liselotte Purper , in S.Steinbacher (ed.),Volksgenossinnen: Frauen in der NS-Volksgemeinschaft (Göttingen, 2007),138 153, here 149 150.49.Jahn and Schmiegelt (eds), Foto-Feldpost, 30, 110 112.50.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 29 December 1942.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.51.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 22 February 1942.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.52.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 20 June 1942.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.53.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 9 October 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.54.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 9 February 1941.DHM, Bildarchiv.The bro-chure was L.Reimer, Die Familie im neuen Deutschland (Berlin, 1940).55.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 11 October 1942.DHM, Bildarchiv.56.Articles on the annexed territories of Poland and on the provision of wel-fare for resettlers, with photos by Purper: Aufbruch und Weisung: einJahr Frauenarbeit im befreiten Gebiet des Gaues Danzig-Westpreußen, NS-Frauenwarte Jg.9 (1940/41) Heft 8, October 1940; Für eine neue Zukunft imDeutschen Osten , NS-Frauenwarte Jg.9 (1940/41), Heft 19, April 1941; DieAnsiedlerbetreuung ist voll im Gange , Ostdeutscher Beobachter, 8 February1941.57.Liselotte Purper, diary, 29 June 1942.DHM, Bildarchiv.58. Bilder aus Rumänien , Frauenkultur, November 1942, 6 7.59.Sender Freies Berlin, Abendschau Express, Studiogespräch 7 August 1997;Sender Freies Berlin, Ticket , 14 August 1997.60.Margot Monnier to Kurt Orgel, 9 October 1944.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.61.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 27 February 1944.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.62.Liselotte Purper, diary, 2 October 1940.DHM, Bildarchiv.63.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 13 June 1944 and 14 June 1944, DHM Berlin,Bildarchiv.64.Liselotte Purper, diary, Lemberg 13 January 1943.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.65.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 18 February 1944.DHM Berlin, Bildarchiv.66.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 4 June 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.67.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 20 September 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.68.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 10 November 1944; Annaliese Wiener-Theilerto Liselotte Purper, 13 November 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv.69.Liselotte Purper to Kurt Orgel, 15 April 1944.DHM, Bildarchiv. 10The Pleasures of being a PoliticalSoldier : Nazi Functionaries andTheir Service to the MovementDaniel Mühlenfeld(translated by Wayne Yung)How pleasurable was the work of a functionary in the Nazi movement?In order to answer this question, one needs to examine the self-imageand public perceptions of its subaltern functionaries.For many NationalSocialist activists, the term politischer Soldat ( political soldier ) cap-tured the ideals of their engagement.The contemporary image of thesoldier was a highly positive one, implying a particular constellation ofpersonal characteristics: moral integrity; readiness for action, up to andincluding self-sacrifice for a higher ideal or collective; and the defenceby force of those sharing the same political views.Furthermore, thesoldierly habitus also meant accepting a specific mode of exercisingviolence.1 This understanding of politics was caught within militaristiccategories of friend or foe, and in an essential inability to compromise.It championed a political maximalism (a characteristic not limited justto National Socialism) that, when it could not be stopped, led almostinevitably to the destruction of the parliamentary order.Over the course of the Third Reich, this label underwent a shift inmeaning as it gradually became applied to different groups of people,2e.g.the Waffen-SS.3 Originally, however, it was applied exclusively tothose longstanding National Socialists who had helped to bring downthe hated Weimar Republic and put the Nazis in power, especially asmembers of the SA before 1933.4 In examining the development andtransformation of the topos of the political soldier during and beyondthe interruptions represented by the years 1933 and 1939, this articlewill offer potential insights into the role played by pleasure in encour-aging commitment to the Nazi Party.Here, two major aspects need tobe taken into consideration.First, the soldierly self-image itself carried205 206 Daniel Mühlenfeldimplications that predisposed the protagonist towards particular expe-riences of pleasure, strongly influencing both its content and its inten-sity.Simply put, those who acted like soldiers also experienced soldierlypleasures: the triumph of surviving a (street) battle unscathed, the rib-ald camaraderie shared during downtime, etc.5Second, one should also not forget the tradition of the perverted(soldierly) deontological ethic that was so significant in the history ofideas [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]