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.At present there are only two such slogans: 1) a provisional revolutionary government, and 2) a republic, because the slogan of a popular constituent assembly hasbeen accepted by the monarchist bourgeoisie (see the programme of the OsvobozhdeniyeLeague) and accepted for the very purpose of devitalising the revolution, preventing itscomplete victory, and enabling the big bourgeoisie to strike a huckster's bargain withtsarism.And now we see that of the two slogans, which alone are capable of advancingthe revolution, the Conference completely forgot the slogan of a republic, and plainly putthe slogan of a provisional revolutionary government on a par with the Osvobozhdeniyeslogan of a popular constituent assembly, calling both the one and the other "a decisivevictory of the revolution"!!Indeed, such is the undoubted fact, which, we are sure, will serve as a landmark for thefuture historian of Russian Social-Democracy.The Conference of Social-Democrats heldin May 1905 passed a resolution which contains fine words about the necessity ofadvancing the democratic revolution, but in fact pulls it back and goes no farther than thedemocratic slogans of the monarchist bourgeoisie.The new-Iskra group likes to accuse us of ignoring the danger of the proletariat becomingdissolved in bourgeois democracy.We should like to see the person who wouldundertake to prove this charge on the basis of the text of the resolutions passed by theThird Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party.Our reply to ouropponents is a Social-Democratic Party which operates in a bourgeois society cannottake part in politics without marching, in certain cases, side by side with bourgeoisdemocracy.The difference between us in this respect is that we march side by side withthe revolutionary and republican bourgeoisie, without merging with it, whereas youmarch side by side with the liberal and the monarchist bourgeoisie, without merging withit either.That is how matters stand.The tactical slogans you have formulated in the name of the Conference coincide with theslogans of the "ConstitutionalDemocratic" Party, i.e., the party of the monarchistbourgeoisie; moreover, you have not even noticed or realised this coincidence, thusactually following in the wake of the Osvobozhdeniye fraternity.The tactical slogans we have formulated in the name of the Third Congress of theRussian Social-Democratic Labour Party coincide with the slogans of thedemocratic-revolutionary and republican bourgeoisie.In Russia this bourgeoisie andpetty bourgeoisie have not yet formed themselves into a big people's party.1) But onlyone who is utterly ignorant of what is now taking place in Russia can doubt that elementsof such a party exist.We intend to guide (if the great Russian revolution makes progress)not only the proletariat, organised by the Social-Democratic Party, but also this pettybourgeoisie, which is capable of marching side by side with us.Through its resolution the Conference unconsciously descends to the level of the liberaland monarchist bourgeoisie.The Party Congress in its resolution consciously raises to itsown level those elements of the revolutionary democracy that are capable of waging a struggle and not of acting as brokers.Such elements are mostly to be found among the peasants.In classifying the big socialgroups according to their political tendencies we can, without danger of serious error,identify revolutionary and republican democracy with the mass of the peasants ofcourse, in the same sense and with the same reservations and implied conditions as wecan identify the working class with Social-Democracy.In other words, we can alsoformulate our conclusions in the following terms: in a revolutionary period theConference in its national-wide 2) political slogans unconsciously descends to the level ofthe mass of the landlords.The Party Congress in its national political slogans raises thepeasant masses to the revolutionary level.We challenge anyone who because of thisconclusion may accuse us of evincing a penchant for paradoxes, to refute the propositionthat if we are not strong enough to bring the revolution to a successful conclusion, if therevolution terminates in a "decisive victory" in the Osvobozhdentsi sense, i.e [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.At present there are only two such slogans: 1) a provisional revolutionary government, and 2) a republic, because the slogan of a popular constituent assembly hasbeen accepted by the monarchist bourgeoisie (see the programme of the OsvobozhdeniyeLeague) and accepted for the very purpose of devitalising the revolution, preventing itscomplete victory, and enabling the big bourgeoisie to strike a huckster's bargain withtsarism.And now we see that of the two slogans, which alone are capable of advancingthe revolution, the Conference completely forgot the slogan of a republic, and plainly putthe slogan of a provisional revolutionary government on a par with the Osvobozhdeniyeslogan of a popular constituent assembly, calling both the one and the other "a decisivevictory of the revolution"!!Indeed, such is the undoubted fact, which, we are sure, will serve as a landmark for thefuture historian of Russian Social-Democracy.The Conference of Social-Democrats heldin May 1905 passed a resolution which contains fine words about the necessity ofadvancing the democratic revolution, but in fact pulls it back and goes no farther than thedemocratic slogans of the monarchist bourgeoisie.The new-Iskra group likes to accuse us of ignoring the danger of the proletariat becomingdissolved in bourgeois democracy.We should like to see the person who wouldundertake to prove this charge on the basis of the text of the resolutions passed by theThird Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party.Our reply to ouropponents is a Social-Democratic Party which operates in a bourgeois society cannottake part in politics without marching, in certain cases, side by side with bourgeoisdemocracy.The difference between us in this respect is that we march side by side withthe revolutionary and republican bourgeoisie, without merging with it, whereas youmarch side by side with the liberal and the monarchist bourgeoisie, without merging withit either.That is how matters stand.The tactical slogans you have formulated in the name of the Conference coincide with theslogans of the "ConstitutionalDemocratic" Party, i.e., the party of the monarchistbourgeoisie; moreover, you have not even noticed or realised this coincidence, thusactually following in the wake of the Osvobozhdeniye fraternity.The tactical slogans we have formulated in the name of the Third Congress of theRussian Social-Democratic Labour Party coincide with the slogans of thedemocratic-revolutionary and republican bourgeoisie.In Russia this bourgeoisie andpetty bourgeoisie have not yet formed themselves into a big people's party.1) But onlyone who is utterly ignorant of what is now taking place in Russia can doubt that elementsof such a party exist.We intend to guide (if the great Russian revolution makes progress)not only the proletariat, organised by the Social-Democratic Party, but also this pettybourgeoisie, which is capable of marching side by side with us.Through its resolution the Conference unconsciously descends to the level of the liberaland monarchist bourgeoisie.The Party Congress in its resolution consciously raises to itsown level those elements of the revolutionary democracy that are capable of waging a struggle and not of acting as brokers.Such elements are mostly to be found among the peasants.In classifying the big socialgroups according to their political tendencies we can, without danger of serious error,identify revolutionary and republican democracy with the mass of the peasants ofcourse, in the same sense and with the same reservations and implied conditions as wecan identify the working class with Social-Democracy.In other words, we can alsoformulate our conclusions in the following terms: in a revolutionary period theConference in its national-wide 2) political slogans unconsciously descends to the level ofthe mass of the landlords.The Party Congress in its national political slogans raises thepeasant masses to the revolutionary level.We challenge anyone who because of thisconclusion may accuse us of evincing a penchant for paradoxes, to refute the propositionthat if we are not strong enough to bring the revolution to a successful conclusion, if therevolution terminates in a "decisive victory" in the Osvobozhdentsi sense, i.e [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]