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.14 and 30.2.Feudal property was, in principle, owned by king or church and only held by landlords and tenants.But this did not prevent - on thecontrary, feudalism promoted - the emergence o f powerful landedclasses, whose wealth and power were rooted in the possession o f land.Itmay be misleading, in strictly legal terms, to describe feudal property as private , but there is no other simple way o f distinguishing between thisform o f property and state appropriation through the medium o f office- a distinction expressed in the differentiation o f private rent and public tax.Even post-feudal conquerors and colonists in the Spanish Not es to p a g e s 4 1 - 7 0 1 7 1colonies, for instance, were given land grants or rights o f usufruct in landlegally owned by Spanish monarchs; but there is no mistaking thedifference between this class o f private landholders and, say, a prosperous Chinese mandarin enriched by state office but restricted in hispossession o f land.3.On the Latin American peoples encountered by the conquerors, see M arkA.Burkholder and Lyman L.Johnson, Colonial Latin America (Oxford:Oxford University press, 4th ed., 2001).4.For an illuminating discussion o f Spanish imperialist ideology, in contrastto British and French, see Anthony Pagden, Lords o f All the World:Ideologies o f Empire in Spain, Britain and France c.1500-1800 (New Havenand London: Yale University Press, 1995).3 THE EMPIRE OF COMMERCE1.Albert Hourani, A History o f the Arab Peoples (London: Faber and Faber,1991), P -130.2.On this point, see Justin Rosenberg, The Empire o f Civil Society (London:Verso, 1993).3.John Hale, The Civilization o f Europe in the Renaissance (New York:Simon and Schuster, 1993), p.150.4.I discuss the Dutch economy at greater length in The Question o f MarketDependence , Journal o f Agrarian Change, Vol.2 No.1, January 2002,pp.50-87.The discussion relies heavily on the evidence provided by Jande Vries and Ad van der Woude in The first modern economy: success,failure, and perseverance o f the Dutch economy, 1500-1815 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1997), though I come to rather differentconclusions about its non-capitalist character.M y article in JA C engagesin a discussion with Robert Brenner s earlier article in the same journal, The Low Countries in the Transition to Capitalism , JAC, Vol.1 No.2,April 2001, pp.169-241, which regards the Dutch economy as capitalist.5.See Joyce Mastboom, On Their Own Terms: Peasant HouseholdsResponse to Capitalist Development , History o f Political Thought XXI.3,Autumn 2000, and Protoindustrialization and Agriculture in the EasternNetherlands , Social Science History, 20(2), pp.235-258. 1 7 2 Not es to p a g e s 7 1 - 8 56.Jan de Vries and Ad van der Woude, The first modern economy, p.502.7.Ibid., p.596.8.On the scale o f early Dutch taxation and its uses, see ibid., especiallypp.100 and 111.9.This section is based on m y article, Infinite W ar , Historical Materialism,Vol.10 No.1, 2002.10.For a provocative, and persuasive, interpretation o f Grotius, see RichardTuck, The Rights o f War and Peace: Political Thought and the InternationalOrder from Grotius to Kant (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).11.Richard Tuck, The Rights o f War and Peace, p.85.12.Ibid., p.108.13.Anthony Pagden has a useful discussion o f this principle and its useparticularly by the English and, to a lesser degree, the French, and thereasons for its absence in Spanish imperial ideology.See Lords o f All theWorld, pp.77 passim.The principle was obviously more useful in caseswhere imperialism took the form o f settler colonies which displaced localpopulations and was o f little use to the Spanish, with their empire ofexplicit conquest over often densely populated and cultivated territories.4 A NEW KIND OF EMPIRE1.R.H.Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century (London:Longmans, Green and Co., 1912), p.189.2. Laboratories o f empire is the phrase used by Jane Ohlmeyer, Civiliz-inge o f those rude partes : Colonization within Britain and Ireland, 1580s-1640s , in Nicholas Canny, ed., The Origins o f Empire (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1998), p.146.On the process o f subduing and unifyingthe British Isles, see Steven G.Ellis and Sarah Barber, eds, Conquest andUnion: Fashioning a British State: 1485-1725 (London and New York:Longman, 1995).3.Nicholas Canny, The Origins o f Empire: An Introduction , in Origins ofEmpire, p.15.4.Steven Ellis, Ireland in the age o f the Tudors, 1447-1603: English expansionand the end o f Gaelic rule (London and New York: Longman, 1998), p.15.5.Ohlmeyer, p.127. Not es to p a g e s 8 6 - 9 7 1 7 36.R.F.Foster, éd., The Oxford History o f Ireland (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1992), pp.122-3.7.Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: science, medicine and reform,1626-1660 (London: Duckworth, 1975), p.453.8.Ibid., p.455.9.Quoted in ibid., p.456.5 THE OVERSEAS EXPANSION OFECONOMIC IMPERATIVES1.Anthony Pagden, Lords o f All the World: Ideologies o f Empire in Spain,Britain and France c.1500-1800 (New Haven and London: Yale UniversityPress, 1995), p.932.Ibid., p.733.Ibid., p.784.Quoted in ibid., pp.78-9.5.Richard Tuck, The Rights o f War and Peace: Politcal Thought and theInternational Order from Grotius to Kant (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1999), pp.191-96.6 [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.14 and 30.2.Feudal property was, in principle, owned by king or church and only held by landlords and tenants.But this did not prevent - on thecontrary, feudalism promoted - the emergence o f powerful landedclasses, whose wealth and power were rooted in the possession o f land.Itmay be misleading, in strictly legal terms, to describe feudal property as private , but there is no other simple way o f distinguishing between thisform o f property and state appropriation through the medium o f office- a distinction expressed in the differentiation o f private rent and public tax.Even post-feudal conquerors and colonists in the Spanish Not es to p a g e s 4 1 - 7 0 1 7 1colonies, for instance, were given land grants or rights o f usufruct in landlegally owned by Spanish monarchs; but there is no mistaking thedifference between this class o f private landholders and, say, a prosperous Chinese mandarin enriched by state office but restricted in hispossession o f land.3.On the Latin American peoples encountered by the conquerors, see M arkA.Burkholder and Lyman L.Johnson, Colonial Latin America (Oxford:Oxford University press, 4th ed., 2001).4.For an illuminating discussion o f Spanish imperialist ideology, in contrastto British and French, see Anthony Pagden, Lords o f All the World:Ideologies o f Empire in Spain, Britain and France c.1500-1800 (New Havenand London: Yale University Press, 1995).3 THE EMPIRE OF COMMERCE1.Albert Hourani, A History o f the Arab Peoples (London: Faber and Faber,1991), P -130.2.On this point, see Justin Rosenberg, The Empire o f Civil Society (London:Verso, 1993).3.John Hale, The Civilization o f Europe in the Renaissance (New York:Simon and Schuster, 1993), p.150.4.I discuss the Dutch economy at greater length in The Question o f MarketDependence , Journal o f Agrarian Change, Vol.2 No.1, January 2002,pp.50-87.The discussion relies heavily on the evidence provided by Jande Vries and Ad van der Woude in The first modern economy: success,failure, and perseverance o f the Dutch economy, 1500-1815 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1997), though I come to rather differentconclusions about its non-capitalist character.M y article in JA C engagesin a discussion with Robert Brenner s earlier article in the same journal, The Low Countries in the Transition to Capitalism , JAC, Vol.1 No.2,April 2001, pp.169-241, which regards the Dutch economy as capitalist.5.See Joyce Mastboom, On Their Own Terms: Peasant HouseholdsResponse to Capitalist Development , History o f Political Thought XXI.3,Autumn 2000, and Protoindustrialization and Agriculture in the EasternNetherlands , Social Science History, 20(2), pp.235-258. 1 7 2 Not es to p a g e s 7 1 - 8 56.Jan de Vries and Ad van der Woude, The first modern economy, p.502.7.Ibid., p.596.8.On the scale o f early Dutch taxation and its uses, see ibid., especiallypp.100 and 111.9.This section is based on m y article, Infinite W ar , Historical Materialism,Vol.10 No.1, 2002.10.For a provocative, and persuasive, interpretation o f Grotius, see RichardTuck, The Rights o f War and Peace: Political Thought and the InternationalOrder from Grotius to Kant (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).11.Richard Tuck, The Rights o f War and Peace, p.85.12.Ibid., p.108.13.Anthony Pagden has a useful discussion o f this principle and its useparticularly by the English and, to a lesser degree, the French, and thereasons for its absence in Spanish imperial ideology.See Lords o f All theWorld, pp.77 passim.The principle was obviously more useful in caseswhere imperialism took the form o f settler colonies which displaced localpopulations and was o f little use to the Spanish, with their empire ofexplicit conquest over often densely populated and cultivated territories.4 A NEW KIND OF EMPIRE1.R.H.Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century (London:Longmans, Green and Co., 1912), p.189.2. Laboratories o f empire is the phrase used by Jane Ohlmeyer, Civiliz-inge o f those rude partes : Colonization within Britain and Ireland, 1580s-1640s , in Nicholas Canny, ed., The Origins o f Empire (Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 1998), p.146.On the process o f subduing and unifyingthe British Isles, see Steven G.Ellis and Sarah Barber, eds, Conquest andUnion: Fashioning a British State: 1485-1725 (London and New York:Longman, 1995).3.Nicholas Canny, The Origins o f Empire: An Introduction , in Origins ofEmpire, p.15.4.Steven Ellis, Ireland in the age o f the Tudors, 1447-1603: English expansionand the end o f Gaelic rule (London and New York: Longman, 1998), p.15.5.Ohlmeyer, p.127. Not es to p a g e s 8 6 - 9 7 1 7 36.R.F.Foster, éd., The Oxford History o f Ireland (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1992), pp.122-3.7.Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: science, medicine and reform,1626-1660 (London: Duckworth, 1975), p.453.8.Ibid., p.455.9.Quoted in ibid., p.456.5 THE OVERSEAS EXPANSION OFECONOMIC IMPERATIVES1.Anthony Pagden, Lords o f All the World: Ideologies o f Empire in Spain,Britain and France c.1500-1800 (New Haven and London: Yale UniversityPress, 1995), p.932.Ibid., p.733.Ibid., p.784.Quoted in ibid., pp.78-9.5.Richard Tuck, The Rights o f War and Peace: Politcal Thought and theInternational Order from Grotius to Kant (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1999), pp.191-96.6 [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]